Mikie Sherrill's Narrative FatigueNew Foto - Mikie Sherrill's Narrative Fatigue

As New Jerseybegins early votingfor their gubernatorial primaries, voters are looking for candidates stories to take to the ballot box. This is wherefrontrunnerMikie Sherrill could find herself in trouble. Democratic contender Rep. Josh Gottheimer weaves a tale of hisupbringingin Essex County, Newark Mayor Ras Baraka touts hisrecent arrestat an ICE protest, and Mayor Steven Fulop builds an account of Jersey Citystransformation. Mikie Sherrill has credentials - a current U.S. representative, former Navy pilot, and federal prosecutor - but unlike the others, she lacks a story. This could ultimately spoil her bid. Julie Roginsky, a longtime Democratic strategist,notesthat she cant tell "what [Sherrills] running on right now other than [her resume]." Many of Sherrills policy proposals onhealthcare,cooperative federalism, and housing areextensionsof the incumbent Murphy administration, not transformative new initiatives. In turn, voters aresupporting alternativesto dissent from her unoriginality and"platitudes." The Sherrill campaign refuses to address the tension between her presentation and its relation to voter concerns. Twenty-two percent of New Jerseyansrank the economy as their top issue, followed by immigration (13%) and candidate character (11%). Voters aged 50+ and older, themost powerful electoral blocin the Garden State, prioritize property tax relief, retirement security, and long-term care reform. Military service doesnt automatically make someone better at managing a states economy and services. Sherrill doesnt demonstrate that it can in her marketing, interviews, or speeches, either. Her campaign is betting that this doesnt matter. A 2022 Pew Research pollfoundthat 49% of Americans - and 53% of registered voters - said they like political leaders who are also veterans. Sherrillscampaign websiteis laden with military imagery, with her"about" pagementioning her armed services experience a whopping 13 times. County Democratic committees that endorsed Sherrill, such as Essex, focus onsimilar messaging. Evenrecentadvertisements and herdebate performancespell this background out for viewers. This is thecampaigns core, and theyll mention it whenever possible. Her campaign runs on the assumption that voters will intrinsically admire her credentials without explaining what it means for her home states future. It could be a ploy for cross-party appeal, as Republicans aremore likelythan Democrats to value military experience in candidates. Nevertheless, its an approach that lacks substance, and this could limit voters faith in Sherrill. Even on the rare occasions when she does talk policy, her ideas arent new. She pledges to uphold Gov. Murphys goal ofachieving 100% clean energyby 2035. She echoes Murphys stance on immigration policy bykeepingNew Jerseys "sanctuary" status andlauds his stanceon New Jersey Transit funding. She, like Murphy,seeks to be toughon President Donald Trump and challenge federal law. Garden State powerbrokers love Sherrills continuation of the Murphy regime and have made her theestablishment pick. Yet, todays political climate increasingly rewards candidates who deviate from the status quo, and New Jersey is no exception. Murphys approval rating hassteadily declinedover his governorship, in part due to his lackluster transit funding plan. Only 25% of voters say his policies align with theirs, and60% of state independentswant the next governor to work with President Trump, with state voters evenly split over mass deportations. Sherrill is imitating an already-told story, and its reception is suboptimal. By not staking out positions beyond Murphys agenda, Sherrill lets his achievements and shortcomings speak for her. That might not cut it in an open election. While name recognition, fundraising, and endorsements can render a campaign competitive at the surface level, narratives require ownership. German philosopher Martin Heidegger oncediscussedthe concept ofeigentlichkeit, or authenticity, in which individuals must choose and commit to a meaningful path rather than living passively or according to external scripts. A campaign shouldn't manufacture a persona or copy anothers playbook one-to-one; it must be a genuine and full expression of the candidates beliefs and history. Ownership guarantees coherence because the story arises from the candidate as a lived reality and demands consistency between message and action. Without ownership, campaign narratives become empty spectacle - stories toldaboutsomeone, notbythem. In democratic politics, only those who craft their stories organically with conviction can hope to lead others into a shared and believable future. In the last stretch, other primary candidates can capitalize on Sherrills weakness by anchoring their emotionally resonant narratives in concrete policy perceptions. Former State Senate President Steve Sweeney often invokes his background as aunion ironworkerand raising hisdaughter with disabilities. But he can go further, framing his political journey as a commitment to family and community, and turn it into a bold economic equity agenda that includes expanded labor protections and a state disability benefits overhaul. Baraka can integrate hisfathers legacy as a poetto reinforce his image as a social justice champion, and Gottheimer can applyhis timeat the Federal Communications Commission to push for affordable broadband and infrastructure. Storytelling isnt fluff, but a powerful tool for political persuasion. In New Jersey, the growing desire for outsider energy and policy innovation demands that the next governor inject emotional authenticity into their policy goals and localize their story to build beyond their home base. If they want to beat Sherrill, challengers need to build a narrative that is wholly theirs, inspiring, and implementable. Alex Rosado is a professional programs assistant at the Alexander Hamilton Society. Follow him on Twitter/X at @Alexprosado.

Mikie Sherrill's Narrative Fatigue

Mikie Sherrill's Narrative Fatigue As New Jerseybegins early votingfor their gubernatorial primaries, voters are looking for candidates ...
Firings, pardons and policy shifts have gutted DOJ anti-corruption efforts, experts sayNew Foto - Firings, pardons and policy shifts have gutted DOJ anti-corruption efforts, experts say

For decades, the FBI and the Justice Department have been the main enforcers of laws against political corruption and white-collar fraud in the United States. In four months, the Trump administration has dismantled key parts of that law enforcement infrastructure, creating what experts say is the ripest environment for corruption by public officials and business executives in a generation. Trump aides have forced outmost of the lawyersin the Justice Department's main anti-corruption unit, the Public Integrity Section, anddisbanded an FBI squadtasked with investigating congressional misconduct. They have issued a series of directives requiring federal law enforcement agencies to prioritize immigration enforcement. Andthey have endeda 50-year policy of keeping the Justice Department independent of the White House in criminal investigations. All of that came after Trumpfired most ofthe inspectors general — the independent agency watchdogs responsible for fighting corruption and waste — and the Justice Department dropped a corruption case against the mayor of New York in what a judge said was a "breathtaking" political bargain. And it came after the Trump administration Justice Department pulled back on enforcement of foreign bribery and lobbying statutes, as well as cryptocurrency investigations. Meanwhile, President Donald Trump has issued a steady stream ofpardons to allbut one Republican member of Congress convicted of felonies over the last 15 years. "He's dismantling not just the means of prosecuting public corruption, but he's also dismantling all the means of oversight of public corruption," said Paul Rosenzweig, a George Washington University law professor who was a senior homeland security official in the George W. Bush administration. "The law is only for his enemies now." A spokesman for the Justice Department said in a statement, "This Department of Justice has ended the weaponization of government and will continue to prosecute violent crime, enforce our nation's immigration laws, and make America safe again." The White House declined to comment. The Biden Justice Department also came under criticism from groups that considered it soft on white-collar and corporate crime.A reportby the public advocacy group Public Citizen said President Joe Biden's Justice Department successfully prosecuted only 80 corporations last year — a 29% drop from the previous fiscal year and fewer than in any year for the previous three decades. Andan analysispublished last month by the Transactional Records Clearinghouse (TRAC) at Syracuse University, which uses Justice Department records to examine enforcement and sentencing trends, found that white-collar prosecutions have been declining since 2011. U.S. attorneys' offices filed 4,332 prosecutions for white-collar crimes in fiscal year 2024, less than half of the 10,269 prosecutions filed three decades earlier in fiscal year 1994, the report found. But TRAC analysts, other experts and Democrats say the Trump policy changes — coupled with a mandate that FBI agents spend significant time on immigration enforcement — mean corporate fraud and public corruption enforcement is expected to plummet faster and further. "President Trump has ushered America into a golden age of public corruption," Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, a senior Democrat on the Judiciary Committee, told NBC News in a statement. "Trump quickly cleared out the watchdogs responsible for policing corruption cases at home and abroad by gutting the Department of Justice's Public Integrity Section and the anti-kleptocracy teams." Last month, the head of the Justice Department's Criminal Division, Matthew Galeotti, announced ina memoanda speechthat the Justice Department was "turning a new page on white-collar and corporate enforcement." While he said that "white-collar crime also poses a significant threat to U.S. interests," he said the Biden administration's approach has "come at too high a cost for businesses and American enterprise." Big law firmsinterpreted his messageas saying the Trump administration will still prosecute corporate misconduct, at least under certain circumstances. But three lawyers who represent large corporations in dealings with the Justice Department told NBC News that over the last several months, corporate compliance investigations of their clients have dropped. They declined to be named or to cite specifics, citing client confidentiality. In his memo, Galeotti said the Justice Department will prioritize corporate violations relating to drug cartels, immigration law, terrorism, trade and tariff fraud, and corporate procurement fraud. "Too often, businesses have been subject to unchecked and long-running investigations that can be costly — both to the department and to the subjects and targets of its investigations," he added in a speech at an anti-money-laundering conference. All presidential administrations set broad policy direction for the Justice Department. But more than a dozen current and former Justice Department officials and legal experts said in interviews that the Trump administration has unleashed a revolution in policies, personnel and culture across the department unlike anything in the last five decades, including Trump's first term. Trump, they say, has fundamentally changed the nature of the post-Watergate Justice Department, in the process driving out hundreds of senior lawyers who helped form its backbone. The shift began even before Attorney General Pam Bondi took office, when Trump's acting U.S. attorney in Washington, D.C.,fired several prosecutorswho had worked for Jack Smith, the special counsel who filed now-dismissed charges against Trump. Trump aides said the Smith prosecutors were fired because they could not be counted on to carry out Trump's orders, because they had prosecuted him.Never before, experts said, had so many career civil servants been sacked simply because they worked on a case the president disliked. When Principal Associate Deputy Attorney General Emil Bove, a former Trump defense lawyer, was acting deputy attorney general, he ordered federal prosecutors in New York to drop corruption charges against New York Mayor Eric Adams, a move that was seen as another signal that the second Trump term would be different. The move triggeredseveral resignationsby prosecutors, and a federal judgeultimately ruledthat there was no evidence to support the reasons the Justice Department gave for dropping the charges. The judge, ultimately, decided he had no choice but to dismiss the charges. Bondi alsopaused enforcementof a law prohibiting U.S. corporate executives from bribing foreign officials, an area of U.S. law so well-developed that major law firmshad entire sectionsdevoted to advising clients about it. She alsodisbanded the FBI task forcedevoted to combating foreign influence and aJustice Department groupthat sought to confiscate the assets of Russian oligarchs. She also ordered apullback on enforcingthe law requiring foreign agents to register with the government and disclose their activities. Several weeks later, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche ended an effort by the Justice Department to police crypto-related violations of banking secrecy and securities laws. Finally, one of the most impactful moves the Trump administration has made was to slash the size of the Justice Department's Public Integrity Section, which has dropped from roughly 35 lawyers to four to five, according to two former members of the unit. Lawyers who work in the Public Integrity Section consult with U.S. attorneys around the country on official corruption matters. Their role is twofold — to assist in cases when needed or when U.S. attorney's offices' prosecutors faced conflicts of interest and to ensure politically appointed U.S. attorneys followed the rules in some of the most politically sensitive cases the government brings. Some of the corruption cases the section was working on are continuing, former officials said. For example, a retired four-star admiralwas convicted last monthof bribery, but many cases are in limbo, and some have been dropped. And Justice Department officials say a policy that requires the Public Integrity Section to approve corruption charges against members of Congress is under review. They also noted that the policy was not followed when the acting U.S. attorney for New Jersey, Alina Habba, another former Trump attorney, broughtassault chargesagainst a New Jersey congresswoman last month. The Public Integrity Section has made its share of mistakes over the years, and some Trump supporters wish it good riddance. "President Trump's justice system is focused on protecting the rule of law and combating crime, which is what the American people elected him to do," Sen. Charles Grassley, R-Iowa, the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, said in a statement to NBC News. "My public oversight has shown that the DOJ and FBI sections responsible for public integrity inquiries were a hotbed for partisan investigations against President Trump and his allies." But by shrinking the Public Integrity Section, dropping corruption charges against Adams and pardoning political allies convicted of federal crimes, Trump has sent an unmistakable message, current and former Justice Department officials say. "Public corruption investigations are being politicized like we've never seen before," said a former Justice Department official, who declined to be named for fear of retaliation. "What prosecutor or FBI agent is going to want to work on a case they think Donald Trump isn't going to like? To witness the destruction of the institution is just infuriating and disheartening." Rosenzweig, the law professor, said the damage to America's image as a country built on the rule of law is not easily fixable. "Good governance is really a shared myth — it happens only because we all believe in it," he said. "People are good because they share a mythos that expects them to be good. When that myth is destroyed, when you learn that it's just a shared dream that isn't mandatory ... it's really, really hard to rebuild faith." Rosenzweig added, "In 150 days, Donald Trump has casually destroyed a belief in the necessity of incorruptibility built over 250 years."

Firings, pardons and policy shifts have gutted DOJ anti-corruption efforts, experts say

Firings, pardons and policy shifts have gutted DOJ anti-corruption efforts, experts say For decades, the FBI and the Justice Department have...
Fetterman claims media trying to 'smear' him over missed votes, absencesNew Foto - Fetterman claims media trying to 'smear' him over missed votes, absences

Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) says the media is trying to "smear" him over missing votes and committee hearings in the Senate, firing back at aneditorial in The Philadelphia Inquirerthat argued Fetterman needs to put more effort into his job or resign from Congress. Asked about the harsh op-ed during a debate in Boston on Monday, Fetterman called it a "weird smear." "It's just part of like this weird — this weird smear," Fetterman told "Fox News Sunday" anchor Shannon Bream, who moderated a debate between the Pennsylvania Democrat and Sen. David McCormick (R-Pa.) at the Edward M. Kennedy Institute for the United States Senate. "The more kinds of — left kind of media continues to have these kinds of an attack," Fetterman said. "And it's just part of a smear and that's just not … it's just not accurate. "And we've moved on and why we're still having this conversation — why at this point?" he asked. The debate was co-hosted by the Orrin G. Hatch Foundation and aired on Fox Nation. The Inquirer noted in its critical appraisal of Fetterman's track record that he has missed more votes than nearly every other senator in the past two years and regularly skips committee hearings, cancels meetings and avoids Democratic caucus lunches. The editorial observed that six former Fetterman staffers told an Inquirer reporter that Fetterman was frequently absent or spent hours alone in his office, avoiding colleagues and meetings. "If Fetterman can't handle the attention or perform his job, then in the best interest of the country and the nearly 13 million residents of Pennsylvania he represents, he should step aside," the paper argued. "Being an elected representative is a privilege, not an entitlement. Being a U.S. senator is a serious job that requires full-time engagement." Fetterman defended his missed votes as the result of a conscious choice to spend more time with his family, and he previously dismissed Monday afternoon "bed-check" votes as procedural minutia that don't necessarily require his participation. "If I miss some of those … votes, I've made 90 percent of them, and we all know those votes that I've missed were on Monday. Those are travel days," he said. "And I have three young kids and … those are throwaway procedural votes that they were never determined if … they were important. That's a choice that I made," he added. Fetterman pointed out that Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Patty Murray (D-Wash.) have also missed multiple Senate votes in recent months as Sanders has traveled the country rallying opposition to President Trump's agenda and Murray traveled home to care for her husband while he was in the hospital. "If you want to attack me for that, go ahead," he said of his attendance record. "But I'd like to point out that, you know, Bernie and Sen. Murray missed more." "So why aren't the left media yelling and demanding them and claiming they're not doing their job and those kind of thing[s]? Just be genuine on that," he said. A spokesperson for Murray said many of the Washington senator's "missed votes were during a single evening of votes" when the Senate held a long vote-a-rama. "Senator Murray was caring for her husband while he was in the hospital and was prepared to return to the floor if her vote might have been determinative," the spokesperson said. She missed 32 votes in one week because of time spent caring for her husband. Fetterman has come under intense scrutiny sinceNew York Magazine published a long articleabout his former staff members' concerns about what they viewed as erratic and potentially dangerous behavior. According to New York Magazine, the senator's former chief of staff, Adam Jentleson, wrote a 1,600-word email to Fetterman's doctor at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center warning that "John is on a bad trajectory and I'm really worried about him." The former staffer said he was concerned that Fetterman won't be "with us for much longer." Fettermansaid last monththat former employees who have expressed their concern about his behavior to the media have a "bizarre grudge" against him. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed. For the latest news, weather, sports, and streaming video, head to The Hill.

Fetterman claims media trying to ‘smear’ him over missed votes, absences

Fetterman claims media trying to 'smear' him over missed votes, absences Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) says the media is trying to ...
Trump leans on GOP senators as they gear up to make changes to his domestic policy billNew Foto - Trump leans on GOP senators as they gear up to make changes to his domestic policy bill

President Donald Trumpspoke with several GOP senators on Monday, including ones who have raised concerns about his domestic policy bill, as the chamber gears up to make changes to the legislation and congressional leaders aim to put the package on Trump's desk by July 4. In a sign of the challenges ahead for GOP leaders, a number of Republican senators have raised concerns about theHouse-passed package, demanding changes that could be tough for Speaker Mike Johnson's narrow majority to swallow when it moves back over to the House. The president met with Senate Majority Leader John Thune at the White House on Monday, who said they "covered a lot of ground. A lot about the big, beautiful bill." A White House official confirmed Thune and Trump met. Several of the senators who have been most vocal about their concerns — Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri, Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin and Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky — said that they discussed the package with the president. Paul told CNN that he "had a lengthy discussion" with Trump this week and told the President that he can't back the bill if an increase to the debt ceiling remains in the package. "It's just not a conservative thing to do, and I've told him I can't support the bill if they are together. If they were to separate out and take the debt ceiling off that, I very much could consider the rest of the bill," said Paul, who noted that Trump "did most of the talking" on their call. Johnson said he "got a real nice call from the President this morning, had a nice conversation, very respectful," as the Wisconsin Republican continues to press the President for further assurances that Congress will commit to more stringent spending cuts than what were included in the House bill. Johnson opened the door, however, to being flexible in how the White House could assuage his concerns and said he was open to getting assurances for future cuts to be made outside of just the framework of Trump's "big, beautiful bill." Asked if he would be open to passing something that looked like the House bill but with a "promise" for other spending changes in the future, Johnson said, "I want to help the president succeed in this thing so I've got a pretty open mind. My requirement has always been a commitment to a reasonable pre-pandemic level of spending and a process to achieve and maintain it." Trump addressed Senate Republicans in a Truth Social post on Monday, writing, "With the Senate coming back to Washington today, I call on all of my Republican friends in the Senate and House to work as fast as they can to get this Bill to MY DESK before the Fourth of JULY. Thank you for your attention to this matter!" Hawley, who has expressed deep concerns withpotential changes to Medicaid,postedon X that he also spoke with the president about the bill. "Just had a great talk with President Trump about the Big, Beautiful Bill. He said again, NO MEDICAID BENEFIT CUTS," wrote Hawley. He told reporters later that he is very concerned about the impact of the tax on providers because it could cause already struggling rural hospitals in his state and around the county to close, something that would be akin to a cut in benefits if Medicaid recipients can't access health care. "I'm also worried about this sick tax, you know, where now charging people to go to the doctor, pay before they can see a doctor. You know, they're on Medicaid because they can't afford to buy private health insurance. So, if they could afford to be paying out of pocket, they wouldn't be on Medicaid. So I don't know why we would tax them and penalize them," said Hawley. Hawley said in his phone call with Trump, the president asked him what he thought the prospects for the bill are in the Senate. "I said, 'good if we don't cut Medicaid, if we do no Medicaid benefit cuts. And he said, I'm 100% supportive of that'," he said. "He specifically said, 'waste, fraud and abuse, fine and work requirements, fine…but no benefit cuts'. And I said, 'we are singing from the same handbook." The various changes that GOP senators would like to see to the sweeping domestic policy bill make clear that the process of passing the "big, beautiful bill" is far from the finish line. "The world hasn't changed since we've been on recess," Sen. Thom Tillis told reporters on Monday evening. "There's work to do there." The North Carolina Republican, who's up for reelection in 2026, noted that about 620,000 recipients have enrolled in Medicaid since his state expanded the program. It's been a concern among some lawmakers that work requirements implemented in the House's bill could particularly impact coverage in Medicaid expansion states. "We've got to work on getting that right, giving the state legislatures and others a chance to react to it, make a recommendation or make a change, and that's all the implementation stuff that we're beginning to talk about now that we're in possession of the bill," Tillis said. Maine Sen. Susan Collins, who will also have to defend her seat next year, finds the House-drafted work requirements "acceptable," but voiced other concerns with a provision related to provider taxes that could impact how states receive federal dollars. "I'm very concerned about not only low-income families, but our rural hospitals," she said. Sen. Shelley Moore Capito told CNN that she did roundtables with constituents in West Virginia over the recess and "there's a lot of concern" about Medicaid at home. "We haven't had a chance to digest how it's going to impact our hospitals," she said. Sen. Jerry Moran of Kansas said he was also worried about "harming hospitals that we just spent COVID money to save," adding that he'll be "lobbying to try to get something that's acceptable to me" on Medicaid in the bill. Another red line floated by some Senate Republicans is the roll back of Biden-era clean energy tax credits, which could begin with several consumer credits as soon as the end of this year. Tillis said he's looking at the issue "through the lens of a businessperson," explaining, "it's easy, you know, from a political standpoint, to cancel programs that are out there. We need to be smart about where capital has been deployed and to minimize the impact on the message that we send businesses that every two or four years we have massive changes in our priorities for energy transition." He said lawmakers should "show some respect" to businesses that have employed capital on clean energy initiatives, adding "I think we can get there" before walking into a meeting of the Senate Finance Committee. On the clean energy tax credit phaseout timeline, Moran said, "I think there's a lot of Senate sentiment that it's too rapid." Still, he wouldn't say if he'd vote against the existing bill, noting that he would lose "leverage," adding that the whole package has "lots of things that I care about." Sen. Markwayne Mullin, who has been playing a key role in talks with his former House colleagues, said he thinks there are "two big issues" that the Senate can't touch, which were central in House GOP leadership's down-to-the-wire negotiations with holdouts. "We have a structure, a great structure, the House sent over. We don't have to tear down that structure. We may have to put some more decorations in some of the rooms and maybe repaint some of the walls, but it's got a good structure to it," he said. The Oklahoma Republican said the Senate should not go below the about $1.6 trillion in spending cuts promised to conservative hardliners or change the state and local tax deduction provisions carefully negotiated with House Republicans from high tax states. "As long as we leave those two things there, and then we put our fingerprints on the rest of it, I think we're in good shape," he said. Sen. John Cornyn, an ally of GOP leadership, said he thinks they'll try to have the bill on Trump's desk by July 4, "which means things are going to have to move at a much faster schedule." He noted that with the debt ceiling limit closing in, the House may have to just accept what passes the Senate, telling reporters, "I've been around here long enough to see the Senate jam the House and the House jam the Senate." CNN's David Wright and Kristen Holmes contributed. For more CNN news and newsletters create an account atCNN.com

Trump leans on GOP senators as they gear up to make changes to his domestic policy bill

Trump leans on GOP senators as they gear up to make changes to his domestic policy bill President Donald Trumpspoke with several GOP senator...
Andrew Cuomo campaigns for New York's redemption – and his ownNew Foto - Andrew Cuomo campaigns for New York's redemption – and his own

In New York, Andrew Cuomo's comeback after resigning in disgrace could end up taking less than four years – with a scandal-plagued incumbent mayor, a disorganized left wing and a feeling that the city is on the brink paving the way. It's the latest saga in the long-running soap opera of New York politics. On the heels of a presidential resurgence from another brash guy from Queens and a Democratic Party with a loud socialist streak, Cuomo sees himself as the man for the moment as he campaigns to be the next mayor of New York City, even if that required moving into his daughter's apartment to be eligible to run. In public, Cuomo has kept mostly quiet, limiting himself mostly to surprise appearances where he stays a few minutes and disappears before he gets protested or takes any questions from reporters. In private, according to several who know him, he has been brooding aboutthe investigation he is facingfromPresident Donald Trump'sJustice Department, orchestrating efforts to undermine his opponents and stressing over what positions to adopt to be taken more seriously as a progressive himself. He has been leaning on a sense of inevitability to press more potential supporters to get on board and leave others with the impression that he will remember those who don't, delighting in opponents who, struggling for momentum, haven't found an effective way to attack him. With three weeks to go before the Democratic primary, Cuomo's pitch has centered on how well he managed the state government – though not a single statewide official or previous city mayor whose terms overlapped with his would say they agreed with him when asked by CNN. He has not apologized or much addressed the series of sexual misconduct accusations thatforced his resignationor themore than 12,000 deaths in nursing homesas he ran the state's Covid-19 response – yet few voters are saying they care much, or even remember, according to focus groups conducted by opposition campaigns. He never talks about redemption, though he has been chasing that since almost the moment he finished his resignation speech in August 2021. "That's clearly what it is, but he doesn't talk about it that way," said one prominent Democrat who's spoken to Cuomo multiple times about the race but has heard no sense of reflection. "He talks about how the Democratic Party is so screwed up and it's too far to the left, he talks about what a disaster [former Mayor Bill] de Blasio was, what a disaster [current Mayor Eric] Adams is." For years, New York has been tilting toward being a homegrown Dubai: a status playground for the rich steadily pushing out enclaves where the struggling working class tries to scrap by, with Instagram spots for tourists in between. Unlicensed marijuana stores, a surge of migrants that has strained the city's resources and a pervasive sense of rising crime (despite rates that are in reality dropping) have left many New Yorkers feeling the city is spinning out of control. "We have known each other a long time and we have been through a lot together. We talk to each other, we're straight with each other," Cuomo said at his sole rally last week. "New York City is in trouble. You can feel it when you walk around the street. You feel it in the anxiety, in the frustration. You see it in the crime, you see it in the number of homeless mentally ill who are left on the streets. And you feel it in that New York City's just getting more expensive, and it is unaffordable for working men and women." Rep. Greg Meeks, who also serves as the Democratic Party leader in Queens, said that not only does Cuomo seem like the only credible choice in this race, but he hopes his win reverberates among Democrats across the country in looking at what works with voters. "I thought about where the city is, what the city needs, where we take the next step so that we continue to grow and produce jobs and housing and get things done – to me, there's only one person that is running that has done those kinds of things," Meeks said. "No one can deny that as governor he was able to get things done that were innovative and creative, and that's what the city needs to continue to do now as we're moving forward into a more technological and interdependent world. Then finally, someone who can truly stand up to Donald Trump too." Asked about the issues that forced Cuomo out as governor, Meeks argued, "He's not like the president of the United States, who's a convicted felon. He's never been convicted of anything, and he has completely denied all of it." Meeks added that his sense is of a man who is "contrite," though Cuomo has spent far less time expressing any public contrition than he and aides have put into trying to undermine the investigations into him. At the rally, Cuomo announced his support for a $20 minimum wage, boasting about how he had signed a $15 minimum wage as governor and leaving out that he had resisted the efforts to do that for years before backing it. The air conditioning couldn't keep up with the room's tightly packed clumps of members from a variety of unions in color-coded shirts, chanting their locals' names and slogans. John Costa, the international president of the Amalgamated Transit Union, led a round of cheers as he talked about Cuomo helping improve both safety and service on the subways. Asked afterward to explain why he was backing Cuomo, Costa told CNN, "I've watched him, I watched his family, his father. I thought he was a great governor. I think he's learned a lot from his father and I thought he was great as a governor. You know, and then things happened and he had to step down for whatever reasons. Now he's back. I think he'll be a great mayor." Cuomo's upward spiral of inevitability – from those either wanting to be with the guy who wins or worried he'll be vindictive against those who weren't with him when he does – also pulled in less enthusiastic union members, like one who asked not to give his name when asked why he was there. "I came because we have dues we have to pay: if we don't come, we get docked $500," he said. "I got no choice." A representative of that union clarified that the policy was not specific to appearing at the Cuomo event, but at political events in general and was an encouragement, not a requirement. Over several weeks, a Cuomo aide offered several different rationales to CNN for why he would not be available for an interview. The candidate has participated in only a handful of interviews since entering the race in March, leaving reporters after the union rally shouting questions at him through the closed window of his Dodge Charger as an aide tried to usher them out of the way while warning they were in danger of being run over. Cuomo smiled but did not engage, then made a right turn on a red light as he pulled away. (A Cuomo spokesperson told CNN the former governor "pulled into the intersection while it was green but there was someone in the crosswalk so he let that person go.") One event he won't be able to outrun is Wednesday's city-mandated primary debate and Cuomo is holed up in prep – his aides worried that in his first competitive debate in 20 years, the risk for a bad moment is high. Cuomo's dominance to date might not have been possible if all the candidates and other city power players who agree that they don't want him as the next mayor could agree what to do to stop him. Instead, they have often added fuel to his argument that the left wing of the party is too much of a mess to run one of the largest and most complex municipal governments in the world. Cuomo isn't the only critic. Queens and Bronx Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the progressive icon, has been chiding them for failing to mount an organized strategy against him, according to multiple people familiar with the conversations. What she's been getting back is a lot of frustration, and a bunch of complaints that actually she doesn't get how politics works. For all the anti-Cuomo memes and custom t-shirts they've inspired, talks between campaigns about coordinating spending on ads or other tactics broke down without getting anywhere. Aides to several top New York political leaders have been fuming privately that others think it was up to them to stop Cuomo, and most – including Gov. Kathy Hochul, Sens. Chuck Schumer and Kirsten Gillibrand, and Brooklyn-based House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries – have all said that they will stay neutral. No candidate was willing to risk a kamikaze mission of going hard negative on Cuomo at the likely expense of becoming too toxic to win. Jumaane Williams, the anti-Cuomo public advocate (effectively, the city council president) popular among many Black voters in the city, last Tuesday held an event in front of City Hall to announce he was jointly endorsing two candidates – city council speaker Adrienne Adams and comptroller Brad Lander. Then on Wednesday, Williams put out a video with another candidate, Zohran Mamdani, endorsing him. Leaders of the Working Families Party, for years a definitive force in galvanizing city politics with deep animosity for Cuomo personally – on top of policy and political disagreements that go back over a decade – have shocked allies by how flat-footed they've been in response to his candidacy. And though on Friday the group announced a recommended ranking order for several of the candidates, with Mamdani endorsed for first, slides obtained by CNN of the polling presentation officials made to candidates show that they acknowledged their endorsement would make little difference for who gets ranked first. With ranked choice voting, "progressives are really trying to figure out what strategies work best in that environment in a way that moderates or the right really haven't had to wrestle with because there's one of them, where there's a slate of progressive candidates," said Tiffany Cabán, a city councilwoman from Queens proudly risen out of the Democratic Socialists of America, in an interview on the steps of City Hall last week. The one concerted effort to stop Cuomo came from Letitia James, who was urged into first running for state attorney general by Cuomo in 2018, and then led the investigations into the nursing home deaths and sexual misconduct allegations. After deciding not to run against Cuomo herself to focus on leading lawsuits against the incoming Trump administration, James joined with state Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins in trying to recruit candidates, sources familiar with the efforts told CNN. Multiple prominent women in New York got calls, including Adams, the city council speaker, who is of no relation to the mayor. All turned them down. But when a combination of events, including the mayor's top aides resigning in protest in February over how the Trump Justice Department pulled back on the charges he was facing, Adams changed her mind and made a late entrance into race. She has struggled to raise money or gain any public traction, and while James has stuck by her, Stewart-Cousins hasn't said anything publicly about the race. An aide to Stewart-Cousins did not respond to a request for comment. "The mayoral race has not gotten a lot of traction," James told CNN in an interview. "We've not broken through all of the executive orders, the tariffs, the chaos, the confusion, and other corruption. So it's difficult in this climate, this 24-hour media circus." Both as a former Cuomo colleague and a lifelong Brooklyn resident, James says she knows the clock is ticking. "Individuals have to think about what's in the best interest of the city, as opposed to what is in their best interest," James said. "And I don't know whether or not there are a sufficient number of individuals who can set aside their ego at this point." From even before heofficially launchedhis campaign, Cuomo was talking privately about Mamdani as the foil he wanted: a proud member of the Democratic Socialists of America who has a record big on marching with causes but light on substantive results, who could embody the caricature of a far-too-left turn in the Democratic Party talking about equity and inclusion while New Yorkers were scared to get on the subway. The 33-year-old assemblyman has become identified enough with the new young left that Ella Emhoff, the stepdaughter of Kamala Harris, endorsed him. But his views are so controversial that the former vice president has had to privately clarify that this does not signal her support, a source told CNN. But Mamdani attributes his rise at least in part to Cuomo. "He's the perfect foil for this campaign because he represents the failed leadership that we've seen not just in City Hall from Eric Adams, but also from Cuomo himself in the governor's mansion in Albany," Mamdani told CNN, standing in front of a Brooklyn brownstone where a fundraiser had been shifted to a no-donation meet-and-greet because he already raised the maximum allowed under the city's system. And at least, Mamdani charged, he would not be compromised by the donors Trump shares with the Cuomo-aligned super PAC that is preparing to come down hard on him in the final weeks of the primary. But as Cuomo has centered much of his campaign on denouncing antisemitism and talking up support of Israel – major issues in a city with such a large Jewish population – he has found an easy target in the Israel divestment-supporting Mamdani, both among Jewish voters and among those who see the far-left's identification with the anti-Israel cause as endemic to what is driving mainstream Democrats away. In the interview, Mamdani blamed Cuomo's attacks, which includedemanding his opponentscondemn the DSA for calling the alleged shooter in the killing of two Israeli Embassy employees in Washington a "political prisoner," as part of the former governor's "long track record of weaponizing very real concerns for his personal and political benefit." When asked to clarify his own position on Israel, a Mamdani aide tried to stop the interview. Pressed multiple times to clarify if he believes Israel has a right to exist as a Jewish state, Mamdani instead repeated a line he's been using that "Israel has a right to exist as a state with equal rights." Candidates in New York can run on the ballot lines of multiple parties, even those they make up. Should he lose the Democratic primary on June 24, Cuomo will still be the nominee of the Fight and Deliver Party. If Cuomo wins, Mamdani – or whoever comes in second – is expected to be the nominee of the Working Families Party. After declining to run again in the Democratic primary, Adams, the incumbent mayor, is planning to run in the fall as the Safe Streets, Affordable City nominee, people familiar with his plans told CNN. Curtis Sliwa, who has made a personality and career of being a lifelong gadfly, is making a repeat run as the Republican candidate. That means the next mayor of New York could win without a clear majority of the vote – in a race with multiple candidates facing significant question marks about their candidacies and in what has the possibility of being the first competitive citywide general election in more than two decades, when ranked choice voting will not be a factor in determining the outcome. For more CNN news and newsletters create an account atCNN.com

Andrew Cuomo campaigns for New York’s redemption – and his own

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