Supreme Court agrees to hear absentee ballot appeal from Illinois congressman

Supreme Court agrees to hear absentee ballot appeal from Illinois congressman

The Supreme Court said Monday that it will hear an appeal from Illinois Rep. Mike Bost who wants to challenge the state's decision to count absentee ballots after Election Day. At issue is a lower court ruling that found the Republican and two presidential elector nominees did not have standing to sue. The Supreme Court will likely hear arguments in the case in the fall. Bost sued in 2022, claiming that an Illinois law allowing mail-in ballots to arrive up to two weeks after Election Day ran afoul federal law that sets a uniform day for federal elections. As in other states, the mail-in ballots at issue must be postmarked on or before the election. President Donald Trump has attacked the practice with an executive order that pressures states to abandon their post-election deadlines for mail-in ballots to arrive at election offices. His directives are subject to litigation as well. Roughly 20 other states and jurisdictions count ballots that arrive after Election Day. Republicans are pursuing litigation in multiple courts attempting to roll back the expansion of mail-in voting. A federal appeals court in Louisiana last year ruled that Mississippi wasviolating federal lawby counting mail ballots that arrive after Election Day, but stopped short of blocking the policy before the November election. Lower courts never considered Bost's underlying claim. A federal district court ruled that Bost and the other plaintiffs were not injured by the state ballot law and so they did not have standing to sue. A divided 7th US Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed that decision and Bost appealed the technical question of standing to the high court. Bost, first elected in 2014, tried to argue that his campaign was required to pay for an additional two weeks of staff to monitor ballot counting. But the 7th Circuit noted that Bost won reelection in his Southern Illinois district by a healthy margin and that he chose to spend resources to avoid a hypothetical future harm. "Plaintiffs cannot manufacture standing by choosing to spend money to mitigate such conjectural risks," the court wrote. The three-judge panel included one judge nominated by Trump and another named by President Joe Biden. US Circuit Judge Michael Scudder, who was also nominated by Trump, dissented. "As a sitting member of Congress in the midst of an ongoing reelection campaign, he is nothing close to a 'mere bystander' to the upcoming election or the allegation at the heart of this lawsuit," Scudder wrote. For more CNN news and newsletters create an account atCNN.com

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June 02, 2025

Supreme Court agrees to hear absentee ballot appeal from Illinois congressman

Supreme Court agrees to hear absentee ballot appeal from Illinois congressman The Supreme Court said Monday that it will hear an appeal from...

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US manufacturing remains subdued in May; delivery times lengthening

US manufacturing remains subdued in May; delivery times lengthening

WASHINGTON (Reuters) -U.S. manufacturing contracted for a third straight month in May and suppliers took longer to deliver inputs amid tariffs, potentially signaling looming shortages of some goods. The Institute for Supply Management (ISM) said on Monday that its manufacturing PMI edged down to a six-month low of 48.5 last month from 48.7 in April. A PMI reading below 50 indicates contraction in the manufacturing sector, which accounts for 10.2% of the economy. The PMI, however, remains above the 42.3 level that the ISM says over time indicates an expansion of the overall economy. Economists polled by Reuters had forecast the PMI rising to 49.3. The survey suggested manufacturing, which is heavily reliant on imported raw materials, had not benefited from the de-escalation in trade tensions between President Donald Trump's administration and China. Economists say the on-gain, off-again manner in which the import duties are being implemented is making it difficult for businesses to plan ahead. Another layer of uncertainty was added by a U.S. trade court last week blocking most of Trump's tariffs from going into effect, ruling that the president overstepped his authority. But the tariffs were temporarily reinstated by a federal appeals court on Thursday. The ISM survey's supplier deliveries index increased to 56.1 from 55.2 in April. A reading above 50 indicates slower deliveries. A lengthening in suppliers' delivery times is normally associated with a strong economy. But in this case slower supplier deliveries likely indicated bottlenecks in supply chains related to tariffs. In April, the ISM noted delays in clearing goods through ports. Port operators have reported a decline in cargo volumes. The ISM's imports measure dropped to 39.9 from 47.1 in April. Production at factories remained subdued, while new orders barely saw an improvement. The ISM survey's forward-looking new orders sub-index inched up to 47.6 from 47.2 in April. Its measure of prices paid by manufacturers for inputs eased to a still-high 69.4 from 69.8 in April, reflecting strained supply chains. Factories continued to shed jobs. The survey's measure of manufacturing employment nudged up to 46.8 from 46.5 in April. The ISM previously noted that companies were opting for layoffs rather than attrition to reduce headcount. (Reporting by Lucia Mutikani; Editing by Chizu Nomiyama)

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June 02, 2025

US manufacturing remains subdued in May; delivery times lengthening

US manufacturing remains subdued in May; delivery times lengthening WASHINGTON (Reuters) -U.S. manufacturing contracted for a third straight...

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Shut out of power in Washington, Democrats grapple with how to win over young men and working-class voters

Shut out of power in Washington, Democrats grapple with how to win over young men and working-class voters

One effort from a group of veteran Democrats envisions a $20 million project to woo young men. Another liberal organization is on a 20-state listening tour to reach working-class Americans. The Democratic National Committee, meanwhile, is in the throes of what its new chairman, Ken Martin, calls an extensive "postelection review" — examining not only the missteps of the party and the campaign of 2024 presidential nominee Kamala Harris but also the broad Democratic-aligned ecosystem that he said spent more than $10 billion in the last election, only to be shut out of power in Washington. Nearly seven months after Republicans won the White House and both chambers of Congress, Democrats arestill coming to termswith the reasons behind their stinging defeats and looking for ways to claw back some power in next year's midterm elections. Intraparty debates are raging about the words Democrats use, the policies they should promote and even the podcasts they join. The causes for the alarm are clear. The Democratic Party's standing has fallen dramatically, with its favorability ratinghitting 29% in March, a record low in CNN's polling dating to 1992. That's a drop of 20 points since January 2021, when PresidentDonald Trumpended his first term. And aCNN poll released Sundayshows Americans are far more likely to see Republicans than Democrats as the party with strong leaders. In a further sign of trouble for the party, the CNN survey shows the dim view of Democrats' leadership is driven by relatively weak support from their own partisans. Republican-aligned adults, for example, are 50 points likelier than Democratic-aligned adults to say their own party has strong leaders. "People believe the Democratic Party is weak, and they believe that Donald Trump is strong and authentic," the DNC's Martin put it bluntly in a recent interview with CNN. "I happen to believe Trump is a small, petty, insecure man who's a fraud, and there's nothing authentic about him." "But it doesn't matter what I believe," he added. "The reality is that Americans want strength and authenticity in their leaders." The postelection soul-searching extends far beyond the DNC — with a cottage industry of multimillion-dollar political research projects springing to life in recent months to better understand the party's stumbles. And while election postmortems are typical exercises for the losing party, some prominent Democrats are expressing exasperation that a fresh round of consultant-aided introspection will only further paint their party as out of touch. Several potential presidential contenders are calling for less study and more straight talk. Arizona Sen. Ruben Gallego, viewed as a rising star in the Democratic Party after winning a tough Senate battle last year in a state that went for Trump, warns that voters tune out Democrats they perceive as sounding "professorial." "During the campaign, especially, talking to Latino men, you could tell they were financially hurting, but also psychologically hurting in the sense that they felt they were no longer able to provide for their families," Gallego said in an interview with CNN. It would be a mistake, then, he said, "to come and talk to them and use terms like 'social equity' versus 'Man, this sucks. You really are in a bad position.' When you can actually empathize, with the language they use, they are more likely to open up." (Gallego demurred last week when asked about his 2028 ambitions, noting the imminent arrival of his third child. "Right now, I'm focused on being a good dad to my kids," he said.) In recent days, two other potential 2028 Democratic contenders — Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz and Maryland Gov. Wes Moore — implored their party to emphasize the practical during speeches in the early primary state of South Carolina. "I saw recently that apparently, the Democrats got together and hired a bunch of people — and they went into the hotel to discuss how we could best message to people. How we could calibrate the words we are using," Walz, the party's 2024 vice presidential nominee, told attendees at the South Carolina Democratic Party's convention Saturday. "That's how we got into this damn mess! 'Cause we're really cautious." In his South Carolina appearances, Moore sought to cast himself as action-focused. "Gone are the days when we were the party of multiyear studies on things that we already know, gone are the days when we are the party of panels, gone are the days when we are the party of college debate club rules," Moore told a crowd in Columbia on Friday. "We must be the party of action, and that action must come now." Among the Democratic messaging and outreach efforts earning attention and some ridicule: a new project dubbed "Speaking with American Men," which aims to "deeply understand the values, frustrations, and motivations driving the political shifts among young men ages 18 to 29," according to a prospectus its leaders began circulating around the time of Trump's inauguration in January. (Trump himself recently joined the derision that erupted following a first mention of the Democratic project in aNew York Times story. "I read that they want to spend money to learn how to talk," he told reporters in the Oval Office on Friday. "That's fake. You don't want to be fake.") But those behind the project — Ilyse Hogue, the former president of the abortion-rights group NARAL Pro-Choice America, and John Della Volpe, director of polling at the Harvard Kennedy School's Institute of Politics — described it as vital to Democrats' hopes of winning back support from young men who were part of Trump's winning coalition last year. Hogue declined to reveal the amount of funding the group, also known as SAM, has received. But the investments have helped underwrite 30 focus groups with young men this spring and early research intothe digital platforms— such as Discord, known for its gaming communities — where Republicans have effectively spread messages to these voters in recent years. The goal is to spend $20 million over two years researching, engaging with and winning over some of these young voters. The SAM plans, for instance, include spending money on in-game digital ads and promoting the voices of people who share Democrats' views on the social hubs where these potential voters spend their time. The young men Democrats need to win back are "surrounded every day by these right-wing messages," Hogue said. "We can't win if we don't play." Della Volpe, who served as an adviser to Joe Biden's 2020 campaign, said the discussions in the focus groups underscored the deep alienation these men feel. A recurring theme, he said, is: "'We have never felt like anyone has had our back. … Why are you asking me to defend the democracy, be part of the system that doesn't really work for me?'" Hogue said the voters SAM will target "mostly want to see themselves as included in the big tent of Democratic politics and have their real pains and fears affirmed and know that someone is looking out for them." The nonprofit arm of American Bridge 21st Century, a Democratic opposition research group, has heard similar concerns from voters as part of a $4.5 million "Working Class Project" that's taking its team to 20 states. A common perception among those in the American Bridge focus groups "is the idea that 'Democrats don't care about people like me, that their first, primary goal is for other groups they consider at risk, who are not like me,'" said the organization's president, Pat Dennis. It's one reason that an ad Republicans repeatedly deployed against Harris in the closing weeks of the 2024 campaign proved so effective, Dennis said. Trump's political operationseized on Harris' past positionson health care for transgender Americans to hammer the Democrat with ads that ended with the tagline, "Kamala is for they/them. President Trump is for you." In all, Trump's campaign and an aligned super PAC spent more than $46 million on the spots, according to a tally from the ad-tracking firm AdImpact. But in aroundly criticized move, Harris' campaign responded blandly with a spot that criticized negative attacks but sidestepped the transgender rights issue entirely. "A lot of voters, including working-class voters, don't care about the transgender issue," Dennis said. But the Republican ad bombardment last year reinforced an image of Democrats preoccupied with identity group politics that don't affect many Americans. But he cautioned against Democrats now concluding that renouncing their support for transgender rights will be a winning strategy in 2026 and 2028. "The solution," Dennis said, "is talking about these issues that are important to every voter, including transgender voters and saying that 'First, my priority is good jobs, lowering the cost of living, making sure everyone has access to health care.'" It's clear that the anti-transgender messaging from Republicans isn't going away. As president, Trump hasrepeatedly threatenedpunitive actions against states and institutions over their policies on transgender athletes. And the theme has surfaced again this year in spots underwritten by a Republican-aligned outside group during college basketball playoffs, targetingGeorgia Sen. Jon Ossoff, a Democrat seeking reelection next year in a state Trump carried in 2024. Joe Jacobson, the founder of Progress Action Fund, a Democratic super PAC that is hoping to spend $25 million broadly targeting young men over the next year and a half, is urging the party to tackle the transgender rights issue head-on. "We need to step up and not be silent about it because when we were silent about it the last time, we lost," Jacobson said. An upcoming ad Jacobson recently previewed for journalists reframes the debate as Republican overreach into Americans' private lives. The 30-second spot shows an older White man, purporting to be a Republican congressman, confronting a girl in a bathroom stall and demanding proof of her gender. "Bathrooms are private," the girl responds. "Don't you have anything better to do?" Despite the persistent problems with their brand, Democrats insist they see potential opportunities ahead of this year's gubernatorial elections in Virginia and New Jersey and next year's congressional midterms. Polls — including the CNN survey released Sunday — show that Americans' confidence in the GOP's handling of the economy has waned. Additionally, Democrats haveoverperformed in several electionsthis year. Martin, the DNC chair, pointed to voters in deep-red Missouri last year approving ballot measures supporting paid sick leave, a minimum-wage increase and protections for abortion, even as the state backed Trump by a more than 15-point margin. "Our policies that we support are wildly popular, but the Democratic Party is not associated with them," he said. "But none of this is unfixable, right? We have an opportunity right now to change those perceptions." CNN's Arit John, Jeff Simon, Eva McKend and Ariel Edwards-Levy contributed to this report. For more CNN news and newsletters create an account atCNN.com

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June 02, 2025

Shut out of power in Washington, Democrats grapple with how to win over young men and working-class voters

Shut out of power in Washington, Democrats grapple with how to win over young men and working-class voters One effort from a group of vetera...

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CNN Poll: A record share of Americans want the government to get more done. Few trust either party to do it

CNN Poll: A record share of Americans want the government to get more done. Few trust either party to do it

Neither the Republican nor the Democratic Party has consolidated a majority of the public behind its approach, with more than 4 in 10 saying that neither party can get things done or has strong leadership, anew CNN surveyconducted by SSRS finds. Despite those widespread doubts, Americans increasingly say they see meaningful differences between the two parties. The poll, taken as public opinion resettles in the first months of Donald Trump's second administration, also finds a record-high share of the public saying that the government should be doing more to solve problems. Americans are evenly split on which party best reflects their views on the role of the federal government, with one-third of respondents saying neither party does. Amid a wave of skepticism among Democrats about their own party's effectiveness, the GOP currently holds the advantage across several key attributes — though with a shrinking advantage on the economy, which regularly polls as Americans' top concern. Americans see Republicans and Democrats as offering vastly contrasting visions of the country. An 81% majority say they see important differences between the two parties, marking an increase from two years ago across political, age and educational lines. Just 18% say the parties are "pretty much the same," down from 28% in 2023 and roughly one-third in CNN and Gallup polling dating back to 2002. But even among those who say there are critical differences between the two major parties, a sizable minority say neither reflects their vision across a range of issues: Nearly 20% who see such differences still say neither party reflects their perspective on at least 5 out of 9 issues they were asked about in the poll. Asked to choose which of the parties they see as the "party that can get things done," "the party with strong leaders" or the "party of change," the lion's share of the public – more than 4 in 10 – say that neither party fits the bill. At the same time, most Americans, 58%, now say that the government should do more to solve the country's problems – a record high in more than 30 years of CNN's polling. While Democratic views on the role of government have remained largely unchanged over the past two years, the shares of Republicans and independents who say that the government is doing too many things have both fallen since the White House changed hands. While neither political party is viewed as especially strong or effective, skepticism weighs particularly heavily on the Democratic Party. Americans are far more likely to see Republicans than Democrats as the party with strong leaders: 40% say this descriptor applies more to the GOP, with just 16% saying it applies to the Democrats. They're also more likely to call Republicans the party that can get things done by 36% to 19%, and the party of change, by 32% to 25%. That's in large part because of relatively anemic support for Democrats among their own partisans. GOP-aligned adults are 50 points likelier than Democratic-aligned adults to say their own party has strong leaders, and 36 points likelier to view their party as able to get things done. True independents, those who don't lean toward either party, are particularly grim in their views of the parties on these issues: 76% say neither party has strong leaders or can get things done, and 72% that they view neither as the party of change. While the public as a whole sees the GOP as relatively effective, they also say, 41% to 30%, that it's better described as the party of extremism, the only attribute tested that fewer than 30% said applied to neither party. Roughly one-sixth of Republican-aligned adults say they view the GOP as representing extremism, compared with roughly one-tenth of Democratic-aligned adults who say the same of their own party. Beyond Americans' shifting views of government, the survey also finds ebbing belief in the achievability of the American Dream. A 54% majority says that most people who want to get ahead can make it if they're willing to work hard, down from 67% in 2016, and lower thanother polling on the same questiondating back to the 1990s. Nearly half, 45%, say they don't view hard work and determination as any guarantee of success for most people. That rises to a 52% majority of Black Americans and 53% among those younger than 30, as well as 53% of those who don't agree with either party on the economy, 65% among Democrats and 71% among those who describe themselves as liberal. Americans are closely split on which party represents the middle class, with a third saying neither does. The view that neither party stands for the middle class rises to 38% among those who say hard work and determination are no guarantee of success for most people. Asked which party best reflects their views on handling the economy more broadly – a perennial top issue that has frequently favored the GOP – the public gives the Republican Party an advantage, but a shrinking one. The party's 7-point margin on the issue now is down from 15 points in May 2022, and marks their narrowest advantage on the issue over that time. The Republican Party also sees a diminished edge on immigration, another typically strong topic for the Trump-led party: What was a 14-point lead in November 2023 now stands at just 6 points. Looking outward, Americans are now evenly divided on which party's views on world affairs more closely match their own, an issue where Republicans held a 6-point edge in 2023. Across issues tested in the poll, Republicans held the widest advantage – 13 points – on their approach to crime and policing, and that margin has largely held over time. The public also leans modestly toward the GOP when it comes to taxes (by a 7-point margin) and the federal budget (5 points). Support for legal abortion remains strong in CNN's polling, with a rising share of the public, 36%, now saying that abortion should be legal under any circumstances. Roughly 6 in 10 Democrats now say abortion should always be legal, up from 44% in 2016. Ina CNN survey last year, a roughly two-thirds majority of the public opposed the Supreme Court's decision to overturn Roe vs. Wade. By a 10-point margin, Americans say their views on abortion align more with the Democrats than the Republicans, although that's down from a 16-point advantage in fall 2023. Roughly two-thirds of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents say the GOP reflects their views on abortion – significantly lower than the share who side with their party on issues such as the economy or immigration. Amid internal Democratic arguments over the party's messaging on issues surrounding race and gender, the poll finds that Americans side with the Democratic Party over the Republican Party on the way society deals with LGBTQ issues by an 8-point margin and with racial issues and education by a 7-point margin each. By a wide margin, 72% to 27%, most Americans say that growing racial diversity does more to enrich than threaten American culture. That's slightly broader agreement than last fall, though it still falls short of the more than 8 in 10 who called diversity enriching during Trump's first term. The sense of diversity as a threat is largely concentrated among the GOP, particularly among Republican-aligned men. Currently, 45% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents call diversity a threat, up from just 20% who said the same in 2019, during Trump's first term in office. Democratic opinion has moved little in that time. Democrats held their widest advantage in the poll, 14 points, on handling climate change. A 58% majority of adults say they're at least somewhat worried about the risks of climate change in their community, down slightly from the 63% who said they were at least somewhat worried in the fall of 2023. About one-quarter in each poll said they were very worried. By a 5-point margin, Americans say their view of how to protect U.S. democracy aligns more with the Democratic Party than the Republican Party. Roughly half of Americans say that democracy in the U.S. today is under attack, with 36% saying it's being tested, and only about 13% that it's not in any danger. While these concerns have held roughly steady since 2021, partisan dynamics have shifted sharply in that time. In the latest poll, 72% of Democrats see democracy in crisis, compared with just 29% of Republicans. By contrast, during Joe Biden's presidency, concerns were either roughly balanced or higher among the GOP. The CNN poll was conducted among 2,539 adults nationwide by SSRS from May 5-26, using a combination of online and telephone interviews. The survey samples were originally drawn from two sources – an address-based sample and a random-digit dial sample of prepaid cell phone numbers – and combined. Respondents were initially contacted by mail or by phone. Results for the full sample have a margin of sampling error of plus or minus 2.7 percentage points. CNN's Jennifer Agiesta and Edward Wu contributed to this report. For more CNN news and newsletters create an account atCNN.com

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June 02, 2025

CNN Poll: A record share of Americans want the government to get more done. Few trust either party to do it

CNN Poll: A record share of Americans want the government to get more done. Few trust either party to do it Neither the Republican nor the D...

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DHS removes list of 'sanctuary' cities after sheriffs push back on non-compliant label

DHS removes list of 'sanctuary' cities after sheriffs push back on non-compliant label

By Ted Hesson WASHINGTON (Reuters) -The U.S. Department of Homeland Security removed a list of "sanctuary" states, cities and counties from its website following sharp criticism from a sheriffs' association that said a list of "non-compliant" sheriffs could damage the relationship between the Trump administration and law enforcement. DHS on Thursday published a list of what it called "sanctuary" jurisdictions that allegedly limit cooperation with federal immigration enforcement. The list prompted a response from the National Sheriffs' Association, which represents more than 3,000 elected sheriffs across the U.S. and generally supports federal immigration enforcement. Sheriff Kieran Donahue, president of the association, said in a statement on Saturday that DHS published "a list of alleged noncompliant sheriffs in a manner that lacks transparency and accountability." Donahue said the list was created without input from sheriffs and "violated the core principles of trust, cooperation, and partnership with fellow law enforcement." President Donald Trump had called for his administration to tally alleged sanctuary jurisdictions in a late April executive order, saying the lack of cooperation amounted to "a lawless insurrection." The DHS website listing the jurisdictions was offline on Sunday, an issue that Fox News host Maria Bartiromo raised with Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem on "Sunday Morning Futures." "I saw that there was a list produced," Bartiromo said. "Now, the list I don't see anymore in the media. Do you have a list of the sanctuary cities that are actually hiding illegals right now?" Noem did not acknowledge the list being taken offline but said some localities had bristled. "Some of the cities have pushed back," Noem said. "They think because they don't have one law or another on the books that they don't qualify, but they do qualify. They are giving sanctuary to criminals." Leaders of some cities publicly questioned the sanctuary label this week, including jurisdictions in Southern California, Colorado and Massachusetts. San Diego City Attorney Heather Ferbert told local outlets that San Diego - named on the DHS list - had never adopted a sanctuary policy and that the move appeared to be politically motivated. "We suspect this is going to be used as additional threats and fear tactics to threaten federal funding that the city relies on," she said. Immigrant advocates and some Democrats say sanctuary policies help build trust between immigrant communities and law enforcement so that residents will be more likely to report crimes. At a hearing before a U.S. House of Representatives committee in March, mayors from Boston, Chicago, Denver and New York City said sanctuary policies - generally affording migrants similar due process rights as those of citizens - made their cities safer and that they would always honor criminal arrest warrants. Noem, who shares Trump's hardline immigration views, said the department would continue to use the sanctuary tally. In response to a request for comment, a senior DHS official said the list is being constantly reviewed and will be updated regularly. The Internet Archive website Wayback Machine showed the list still online on Saturday. It was not clear when it went offline or whether it was related to pushback from sheriffs. In his statement on Saturday, Donahue specifically called out DHS. ""This is an unfortunate and unnecessary erosion of unity and collaboration with law enforcement and the enforcement of the rule of law at a time when that unity is needed most," he said. "This decision by DHS could create a vacuum of trust that may take years to overcome." Sheriffs play a key role in immigration enforcement and aid federal immigration officers by detaining people who allegedly violated immigration laws in local jails. The Trump administration last week pushed out two top U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials amid pressure for more arrests and deportations. Stephen Miller, the architect of Trump's immigration agenda, said ICE would be tasked with a goal of 3,000 arrests per day - 10 times the number last year under former President Joe Biden. Acting ICE Director Todd Lyons said Sunday on "Fox & Friends" that the agency hit 1,600 arrests several times last week, the highest levels since Trump took office. "ICE can do more," he said. "We will do more." (Reporting by Ted Hesson in Washington; Editing by Caitlin Webber and Aurora Ellis)

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June 02, 2025

DHS removes list of 'sanctuary' cities after sheriffs push back on non-compliant label

DHS removes list of 'sanctuary' cities after sheriffs push back on non-compliant label By Ted Hesson WASHINGTON (Reuters) -The U.S. ...

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